MOSCOW (Reuters) - Vladimir
Putin looks likely to go down in history as the Russian leader who won
back Crimea, but he is fighting to avoid also being remembered as the
man who let Ukraine escape from Moscow's sphere of influence.
The next six weeks will be decisive in that battle as Ukraine prepares
to elect a president on May 25, agree a new constitution and prevent
pro-Russian separatists in the east breaking away.
Reclaiming Crimea 60 years after it was gifted to Ukraine by Soviet
leader Nikita Khrushchev, apparently on a whim, has been a domestic
triumph for Putin. But losing the ability to exert influence over
Ukraine would be a high price to pay for that and might, with time,
seriously detract from the achievement.
Even though Ukraine and Russia ceased to be in the same country when
the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, economic, political and cultural
links remained strong and Moscow retained
a lot of political and economic influence in Kiev.
"Putin is now looking for a model where Moscow retains some degree of
influence," said Gleb Pavlovsky, a former Kremlin spin doctor.
"I think the next six weeks will be key because Putin can't afford to
let the Ukrainian election produce an unacceptable formula for Russia
and he can't afford to look indecisive.
"He needs a quick solution."
Yet at first glance, Putin does not look to have an urgent problem. His
ratings have risen to their highest in years since Russian forces took
over Crimea and Moscow annexed the peninsula after a hastily arranged
referendum among its 2 million people.
Moscow's political and business elites rallied behind Putin as the West
imposed sanctions over what its leaders called an illegal redrawing of
borders that revived Cold War-era conflict.
He signed Crimea's annexation last month after setting out dreams of a
greater Russia in a speech greeted by cheers in the Kremlin. His vision
of repairing the break-up of the Soviet Union would bring the "near
abroad" back under Moscow's wing.
The show of unity behind the Russian president is likely to continue
for a some time, and the political opposition in Moscow has for now been
neutralized by Putin's success in Crimea.
SIGNS OF UNEASE
But business and political sources say there is growing unease beneath
the surface as the euphoria fades and the harsh reality sets in of
Western sanctions - and the prospect of more if Russia does not
cooperate with the West.
With
Russia's economic growth stuttering almost to a halt, and capital
flight rising to nearly $64 billion in the first three months of this
year, there is plenty of cause for concern about taking on the financial
burden of propping up Crimea - a region long on pensioners and faded
Black Sea resorts.
Some
business leaders and government officials are also worried by the war of
words with the West, a threat of a return to Soviet-era isolation after
two decades of building relations with richer states and even hostility
abroad towards wealthy Russians and their children studying at foreign
institutions.
"There are
people who are disorientated. They won't say this in public but there is
a split over whether what is happening is good for the country," said a
Russian businessman in Moscow with liberal political views who did not
want to be identified.
Political scientist Stanislav Belkovsky
went further in an interview with liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy,
suggesting the mood had started to change since U.S. sanctions hit
members of Putin's inner circle as well as other individuals and
officials.
"Two weeks ago the
Russian elite were in a state of euphoria," he said. "It seemed Russia
had won a huge geopolitical victory and we should be proud.
"Now, today, the elite are slipping into in a state of mild depression. They understand that a problem is coming.
"So when real sanctions hit, when people realised the real estate,
healthcare, education in the West, which they have got used to in the
last 20 years were in danger, they got worried."
DAMAGE CONTROL
Although such concerns are likely to remain below the surface in a
political climate where criticising Putin over Crimea has become all but
impossible, his ability to retain Moscow's influence in Ukraine will be
crucial to his capacity to maintain popular support for his actions.
Moscow's influence in Kiev has been under threat since President Viktor
Yanukovich fled to Russia on February 22 after three months of protests
sparked by his decision to spurn political and trade agreements with
the EU and strengthen economic ties with Moscow instead.
The installation of a government that looks West instead of East has
increased the danger for Russia of losing its ability to steer events in
a country it regards as a buffer between it and the West and as the
historic cradle of Russian civilisation.
For many of Russia's 144 million people, bonds to Ukraine's 46 million
are familial and emotional, though for the Kremlin and its allies in
business, Ukraine's industries, concentrated in the Russian-speaking
east, and its markets, are also a draw.
For supporters of the new Ukrainian government's pro-Western course,
Putin is also concerned not to let Ukraine flourish in a way that might
inspire his Russian opponents to try to emulate the "Euromaidan"
protesters of Kiev and overthrow the president.
Central to Putin's tactics now is a build-up of troops on the border
with Ukraine, a show of force that has fuelled fears in Ukraine and the
West that he could send in troops to annex eastern regions such as
Donetsk, Luhansk and Kharkiv where Kiev accuses Moscow of fomenting
unrest and backing separatists.
The Ukrainian government said on Sunday it was sending security forces
into the eastern city of Slaviansk where the pro-Russian militants have
seized control of the local police headquarters.
Putin has his loyal parliament's consent to use the army if Russian
speakers are deemed to be in danger - a tactic familiar from Crimea.
Russian state media have paved the way for this by depicting Ukraine as
beset by marauding groups of neo-fascists.
But sending in the
troops would risk a new, much tougher round of Western sanctions or even
a military conflict which could be costly, inflict heavy Russian losses
and dent the 61-year-old president's popularity.
The border build-up may be mainly a negotiating tactic with Western
leaders: "The military are there in principle so that people agree to
talk to Putin about Ukraine's future," said Pavlovsky, who advised the
president until three years ago.
"Putin realises that if there is no risk of the crisis worsening, no one will bring him into discussions on Ukraine."
BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING
The troops also serve as a reminder to Ukraine's new leaders that "Big
Brother" is watching and is still a force to be heeded. They provide the
backdrop as Russia pushes its demands, in daily Foreign Ministry
statements lambasting the West and Ukraine's government, and in public
remarks led by Putin and by his wily and experienced foreign minister,
Sergei Lavrov.
Threats to cut off gas supplies to Ukraine over
its $2.2 billion unpaid bill, raising the prospect of disruptions to
deliveries to western Europe that pass through Ukraine, also keep
pressure on Kiev and help Russia to press its demands.
The
Russian demands, sure to be outlined at talks in Geneva on Thursday with
the United States, EU and Ukraine, include an insistence that Ukraine
remain outside NATO and the EU, that its regions are given more autonomy
and Russian speakers guaranteed more rights to use their language
rather than Ukrainian.
The idea of a federal system of governance
for Ukraine has been floated for several months by the Kremlin. In
February, Putin's lead adviser on Ukraine suggested regions might even
pursue different foreign policies, the industrial east aligning with
Russia and the Ukrainian-speaking west embracing the EU.
Viewing
that as a mandate for more Crimean-style referendums on secession, Kiev
has promised to devolve powers to the regions but rejects "federalism".
It has also shown sensitivity to Russian speakers' rights by dropping
plans for a law enforcing the use of Ukrainian for official purposes.
Moscow made no secret of supporting Yanukovich and cannot expect to
find his successor at all as sympathetic as the former governor of
Donetsk - but Ukrainian leaders are all well aware that feuding with
Russia can only hurt them in the long run.
Even if Moscow cannot
hope for a president who openly favours Russia, it can see to it that
any future leader will be obliged to seek a working balance in relations
between east and west. If Putin has his way, he will be able to show
Russians he has done all he can to keep Moscow's influence in the
country.
Kremlin aides insist
Putin is not concerned about his place in history and is driven by the
best interests of Russia. The verdict on his action may, in any case, be
a long time coming.
Arguing
that losing influence in Kiev was not inevitable after snatching Crimea
away from it, Boris Makarenko of the Centre for Political Technologies
in Moscow said: "The two are not mutually exclusive.
"I only know that history is wiser than any of us - and its verdict is never delivered in haste."
